Balochistan package

By Tayyab Siddiqui

The much-awaited and long overdue official response and plan of action for the Baloch question was finally announced before parliament on November 24 at a special joint session. The prime minister extended a “hand of reconciliation and dialogue with our estranged brothers from Balochistan.” The package contained 39 recommendations to address the various steps suggested in the package and propose constitutional changes to incorporate necessary amendments. These recommendations cover constitutional, political, administrative and economic issues “to heal the wounds of the Baloch.”

The package, described by Zardari as a “grand leap forward” has been rejected by the majority of Baloch nationalist leaders and hence, the implementation of the package has become uncertain. The Baloch extreme reaction to the proposal reflects a deep sense of disappointment and frustration at the manner in which Islamabad has responded. The government, regrettably, has not reacted to any crisis situation with the speed and alacrity that the situation warrants, particularly when these proposals are a carbon-copy of those made in the 2005 Mushahid Report.

While it would be unfair to question the sincerity of the government in advancing these recommendations, it certainly reflects the ineptness of the government and insensitivity to the urgency of the burning question. The fundamental weakness that the package suffers from is that it has been presented without involving Baloch leaders and other stakeholders. It is not surprising that the package has been rejected by Baloch leaders, representing all political affiliations. It was imperative that the proposal should have been discussed with the Baloch leaders and other stakeholders taken on board to avoid the likely stalemate.

Mr Gilani on assumption of the office of prime minister had presented a 100-day plan of action and promised that the concurrent list would be abolished within one year and that the Baloch demands would be met within 100 days. Nothing of that kind has happened. Indeed, our 1973 Constitution provides for institutions and approaches aiming at stability and harmony among the provinces. The constitutional bodies to resolve any dispute or conflict provides the mechanism of the Council of Common Interest and the National Finance Commission.

Simply put the Baloch question relates to the right of ownership of resources and financial autonomy without any constraints. The Baloch want a peaceful Balochistan, ruled, governed and controlled by them. The other issues are peripheral and directly related to the major ones indicated above.

The package is an honest effort, but lack of trust in Islamabad has made Baloch leaders wary of the establishment and the federal government and hence more imaginative and realistic options need to be explored to meet the Baloch aspirations. The time that has elapsed due to political indifference and administrative inertia has radicalised the Baloch and what could have been achieved a couple of years back may not be within our reach today.

We need to look at the broader picture and make a realistic appreciation of the crisis that we are faced with. The easiest solution would be to take guidance from the constitution, abolish the concurrent list and the emergency powers.

To create the right ambiance for meaningful negotiations, measures such as a general amnesty and cessations of military operations should be implemented forthwith. For composition of committees and commissions, referred to in the package, a definite timeline be indicated. Time is of the essence. Any further delay would only complicate and compromise national unity. Had Mujibur Rehman’s six-points for East Pakistan’s autonomy been given consideration and an honest national debate in the context of unified Pakistan was held, we might have been spared Pakistan’s break-up. Let history not repeat itself. The writer is a former ambassador.

Email: m.tayyab.siddiqui @gmail.com (Courtesy: The News International, Karachi)