Editorial: The price of ‘Pakistan Khapay’
The assassination of former Balochistan chief minister and governor Nawab Akbar Bugti in August 2006 was a golden opportunity for (President) Asif Ali Zardari to learn some strategic lessons from his Baloch cousins living in Balochistan. Had Zardari not pretended to be oblivious to the Baloch backlash to Bugti’s killing, he would surely learn to become a more confident man to confront the current military-judiciary-media-nexus, dominated by the Punjab, to dislodge an elected President belonging to a smaller province of Pakistan.
Nawab Bugti’s killing did not shake the foundations of Balochistan because he was the most popular Baloch leader or his Jamori Watan Party (JWP) had the highest number of followers in the country’s most exploited province. The only reason that everyone across Balochistan was dumbfounded over Bugti’s killing was the irreconcilable fact that Islamabad had killed the sole Baloch leader who spoke of coexistence within the federation of Pakistan.
Unlike his contemporaries, such as Nawab Khair Baksh Marri, Sardar Attaullah Mengal and Ghose Baksh Bizenjo, Nawab Bugti had no nationalistic ambitions throughout most of his centrist political career. He was the biggest supporter of Islamabad in Balochistan. He voted for Pakistan during its creation and wore all pro-establishment caps to exhibit his ‘patriotic credentials’. When he was killed, everyone in Balochistan began to wonder about the fate of the “ordinary people” at a time when Islamabad was unwilling to spare kind of a man who was a Pakistani from head to toe.
A similar situation developed in Sindh after the tragic assassination of former Prime Minister of Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto, a Sindhi, whose father Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, also a former elected prime minister, had been killed in 1979 by a military dictator. The people in Sindh reacted emotionally and said their “Sindhi leader” had been target killed by the “Establishment”. This was not the first but the fourth time that the Bhutto family had to give its blood to pay a price for its democratic contributions to Pakistan.
Reacting emotionally to the killing of charismatic Benazir Bhutto on December 27, 2007, in Rawalpindi’s Liquat Park, many disgruntled Sindhi activists began to say “Pakistan Na Khapay” (meaning we do not want Pakistan). The federation of Pakistan was truly endangered after the killing of the country’s most popular leader in an act of terrorism. Otherwise, this high-profile political assassination was at least certain to unleash a new wave of Sindhi nationalistic movement for separation from Pakistan.
Asif Ali Zardari, the widower of Benazir Bhutto, was the only prominent leader from Sindh to dispel the slogans of the disheartened young Sindhis by saying “Pakistan Khapay” (We want Pakistan). He not only made sure that the PPP continued to symbolize the unity of the federation but he also agreed to give the ticket for the coveted office of prime minister to a Punjabi at the cost of another veteran Sindhi party leader, Makhdoom Amin Fahim.
This was the greatest contribution of Zardari to the integrity of Pakistan at a critical juncture though many pro-independence Sindhi and Baloch nationalists resented his assertion. The Balochs, however, knew that Zardari would be paid as mercilessly as Nawab Bugti for his loyalty to the federation. Worst still, Zardari, after becoming the president, did not work seriously to win the support of the people of the smaller provinces by undoing the discriminative and exploitative policies of the ruling Establishment
He should have realized that the establishment would not willingly concede to the rights of the smaller provinces. The Punjab-dominated federation is averse to Baloch and Sindhi leaders. Two former prime ministers Zulfiqar Ail Bhutto and his daughter Benazir Bhutto were killed presumably because of being Sindhi. Two other former prime ministers, Mohammad Khan Junejo and Mir Zafarullah Khan Jamali were removed from their offices because they came from the smaller provinces of Sindh and Balochistan respectively.
President Zardari spoke at length about the possible plots against his government on the eve of the second death anniversary of his slain wife late Banazir Bhutto. It seemed he clearly knew the elements conspiring against him. His thundering response may have attracted some sympathies but is unlikely to silence the omnipotent opponents of his. Some sections of Pakistani media have demonstrated the worst form of partial and irresponsible journalism to humiliate the head of the state. This is in fact no journalism but sheer blackmailing.
Engulfed by the troika of anti-Zardari judiciary, military and media, the President has every right to use the so-called “Sindhi card”. After all, Sindhis are equal citizens of the country. Why is it that their credentials are often questioned because of wearing the traditional Sindhi cap or the ajrak? Why weren’t objections ever raised over the uniformed military dictators’ attire? It is the time that the Sindhi card was used to send a message to the powers that be that a federation can not run only on the dictations of one province and its ruling elite. An ending to this domineering attitude of Punjab is important for preventing a clash between the state institutions.
The Balochs and Sindhis have genuine reasons to question the independence of the judiciary. If the country’s so-called free judiciary had made history to adjudicate against President Zardari then why does it not take action for the missing Baloch persons or provide a justification for its actions taken back in 1999 to validate the military coup of Pervez Musharraf?
The Balochs are angry with Zardari for not having done enough for their province during his presidency as four prominent Baloch leaders, Ghulam Mohammad Baloch, Lala Munir Baloch, Sher Mohammad Baloch and Rasool Baksh Mengal, were killed during his government. Yet, the people of Balochistan still believe that Zardari is becoming the victim of a system that has been the major cause of Baloch disappointment from the federation – denial of equal and dignified treatment in the federation.
narender singh: 
Hasnain: 
kaal Yug: 
ABU BAKAR: 
mueem khan baloch:
Sir, we clearly need to avoid the nonsense and absurdness. Judgement is not against Zardari, it is against NRO. And yes, if the army man are telling Zardari to stop bending backwards for US interests – they are right in doing so. The people of Pakistan (not only punjab) hate the zardari, rehman malik and all others because of such a huge corruption rounds. look at rental power saga.
Please stop abusing people living in punjab. its not about ethnicity, its about class clash. The rich and poors.
@Shoaib. Well. This editorial appears to be somewhat biased. Of course, ZARDARI is no good man. But I contradict with your last point: its not about ethnicity, its about class clash. Distribution of NFC award on population basis doesn’t sound me a class clash rather it is ethnicity clash. Jhelum has the highest rank of HDI while Dera Bughti has the lowest HDI in Pakistan. Is it class clash too? Almost all of the Punjab has got gas while most of Balochistan still remains deprived of its own gas. Some ethnicity are more favored in Pakistan than others. It is the reality and we need to accept it.
Dear Shoaib,
This issue IS about nationalities and ethnicity. The problem with Punjab and its ruling elites is that they hate their own language and heritage and expect everyone else to do the same.
It is not the Bengalis or Baloch who banned the teaching of Punjabi in Punjab;s schools after 1947; it was the Punjabi elites desire to appear either as more Udru-speaking than the Urdu speaking migrants from UP, CP, Bihar and Hyderabad Deccan, or to act as if they were all of Arab origin.
They are perhaps the only people on earth who have banned their own language. In hating their heritage, they feel deeply offended when the Baloch or the Sindhi and Pushtoon refuses to fall in line and give up their ethnic heritage. Similarly, they feel deeply offended when the followers of MQM happen to speak better Urdu than the Punjabis ever could.
As a Punjabi who has worked in his youth with the BSO and was friends with Dr. Abdul Hayee, Manzoo Gichki and Bizen Bizenjo, I realised evry early in my youth that Pakistan’s marginalized nationalities would never get equality as long as Punjab, its army and its fake identity ruled Islamabad. The Bengalis realized this in the late 60s and in 1971 saud good bye to Pakistan despite being a majority. They knew that Pakistan;s Punjabi establishment will never let go of the cash cow they have secured for themselves in the state of Pakistan. The country will milked to death and only then will its people find liberty and freedom.
This is why they will assassinate Asif Zardari and his son.
the editorial is not biased but totally wrong. the baloch rising or revolt(as they claim) is not for a province but against occupation. second zardari or ppl party never strive for a change in islamabdad but for maintaining status quo as known as feudal-military-mulla nexus. third AKBAR KHAN was not pro-pakistan but a man leading the baloch resistance(which called for an armed struggle against occupation) at the time when he was killed. fourth the pujab dominated parliament is never averse to baloch or sindhis leader who look toward parliamentary politics as pancea. judiciary is not questioned by baloch and sindhi but all across pakistan . and baloch also know that zardari or other president could never have prevented killing of “miscreants ” and “indian agent ” (as pakistani state claim)ghulam mohd and party members with all his powers infront of omnipotent military and its agencies who call the shot in balochistan and pakistan.
@ Dear Zahid. The fact remains Mr. Bughti was the person of establishment in 1970s when a bloody operation was unleashed in Balochistan and consequently thousands Baloch lost their lives. While giving an interview to a foreign Radio from Mountains he did not talk of independence rather he talked of ownership of resources. I still remember he used words ” Sahal” and Wasall”. His JWP was never a pro-independence party even it has senators, MNA and MPAs. And yes there is no hint of doubt that ISI and military establishment interference even in political matters of the Balochistan. People are illegally detained and forcefully disappeared.
I called this editorial “Biased ” as it ambiguously shows Mr Zarderi victim of Punjabi-dominated establishment. But we all know he was involved in a many cases of corruptions and money embezzlement. But this editorial tactically hided these fact and presented him as victim of Punjabi elites which I personally don’t think is wholly right.
Dear Sirs
I appreciate your efforts in replying back to my comments and enriching the thought process of all the readers. In following points, I will try to put forward my thoughts, which may or may not be aligned to your comments.
1. Skewed distribution of resources
Since the time of British and creation of new country for the Muslims of this region, the focus is on delivering basic necessities like education, health and electricity to the people. And since resources are limited and recipient masses in 10s of millions, our policy makers skewed the resource distribution model favoring the large concentration of population before moving towards smaller concentration of people. Priority wise it’s economically more justifiable to open up a small dispensary for 1 million people rather than for 5000 people. Hence formula based of population. It is failure of our leadership to increase the kitty to the size where even smallest concentration of population gets everything being given to highest concentration population center.
2. Roads and Gas network development
Ayub Khan started the major investments in gas,electricity and road networks. Even now if you look at the state of affairs at his time, his priority was to lay pipelines/grids ONLY for industrial usage. Only major urban centers got gas in his time. Domestic usage was actively discouraged. In 70s/80s, under the system of political patronage gas/electricity was given to people living adjacent/near to pipelines already put in place. In 90s OGDC/SSGC/SNGC were given authority to give gas to economically viable centers of population. The economic viability was justified mainly by number of connections and bill recovery from that particular area, though the local politician do chip in some development funds allocated to them. Again, if the kitty is big enough, the government can subsidize the infrastructure development and necessities can reach to the lowest concentration of people. In lot of areas in Punjab, the electricity was made available in 80s and gas in 90s/2000s. There is not a single place in Punjab other than Murree where bill recovery is not economically justifying the gas/electricity.
3. Difference in HDI
The people living in Jhelum were declared marshal race by the British. The new government continued the status and hence large intakes in armed forces from this district. The second biggest factor is that 100 thousands of their citizens are working as expatriate in European countries from 50s. The state did not play any role to enable them for European labor market. They took the initiatives themselves. Please also mention districts like DI Khan, Attock, Mainwali, Bakhar, DG Khan, Tuansa Sharif, Khushab etc. Millions of souls there live hands to mouth. No gas, no roads, no electricity.
4. Degree of Political Emancipation – Socio economical status
Do you know that Qaim Ali Shah bought two BMWs costing more than 70 million to Sindh government at the start of his tenure? Such an absurdness is unthinkable in Punjab, the lower middle class is very strong – forcing/abusing their local leaders to get the things done, to invest in local infrastructure. Unfortunately, this is not the case with other provinces. You will agree with me that Bhutto got his base for communism from lower working classes of Punjab. By voting for him, were they protecting any elite?
The overall situation is better in some districts in Punjab and NWFP since no big landlords are there and middle class is strong.
5. Class Difference – Urban/Rural divide
Unfortunately, urbanites are getting way more than their due share in national kitty. How can we justify billions to be spent on flyovers, eight lane highways, underpasses and 10 billion water supply projects in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad? It is class clash as rather than investing in respectable transport system for poor, the government invests in a way that my car doesn’t have to stop at the red signals. The amount of money paid by lower middle class to travel is around 1/3rd of their salaries and they are paying similar amounts as paid by people in countries like Singapore, Malaysia, Europe. the money in going to mafia foreign companies, sardars, generals, contractors, politicians and autocrats. It’s the poor who is suffering, whether they live in Punjab, Sindh or Balochistan. Please visit tier-2 cities of Punjab and villages. You will see by your own eyes. Its their class interest, the elite and they are all one.
6. Why Punjabi Should be blamed. The role of media.
The prosperous Punjabi middle class should be blamed for not raising the voice for injustices made to disadvantaged people. The media has to play an important role in it. They have to be blamed for allowing state to do injustice in the name of Pakistan.They have to be blamed for their ignorance of happenings in rural Pakistan. But we can’t blame the lower classes, the agrarians since they are in vicious circle of figuring out what to eat tomorrow.
7. The favored nationality.
If you look around in Islamabad, in Punjab towns, the prime properties, the bureaucratic jobs – the major resources are in the hands of Pathans, Kashmiris and Urdu speaking Karachities. In almost every town in Punjab, the pathans are leading commercial activities whether it is electronics, cloth, automobile or general stores. The whole blue area is owned by mirpuri or pathans. The commercial properties, plazas are majority owned by pathans. And the people living in Punjab have no problem in it.
8. The Punjabi language/culture
Yes, you can blame Urban Punjabi for not following their culture in a true sense and always seems eager to adopt urdu as first language but you cannot blame punjabis for promoting Urdu and depressing other regional languages. Even now in rural punjab/tier-2 cities majority speak Punjabi and related dialects. Promoting Urdu at the expense of other languages could be the state policy dominated by people migrated to this land. But it was a faulty policy. Unity is not about uniformity. Love for Pakistan should not be love for Urdu and hate for regional languages.
10. The rich and the poor. Who are the winners.
The rich elite is grabbing what ever they can. I appreciate the Baloch struggle for their just rights. They have the right of self determination and ownership of all material resources found on their land. But please don’t abuse the poor living in the land of five rivers. They are paying international prices for their inputs and energy sources. Figure out in whose pocket the money is going. Didn’t they include elite from all the nationalities?
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The editorial gave a perfect analogy by giving martyred Nawab Akbar Bugti assassination by Pakistan army to the leaders of Sindh.
Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti was a strong believer of provincial autonomy and tried to negotiate with Islamabad. The rest of the arguments that he was the main of the establishment are all shallow arguments, plundering in the dark.
The fact is he was a man of principles who never bow nor compromised the establishment, but past establishments and Islamabad betrayal convinced him the Pakistani rulers can not be trusted.
Therefore, through unity he believed Baloch nation can resist and defend their ancestral and geo-politically significant land. He himself fought in the forefront of the Baloch national struggle therefore the Pakistani army eliminated him; many Baloch leaders faced the same fate by Islamabad.
In short, the logical conclusion Pakistani rulers can not fool the committed Baloch leaders anymore through packages; neither shallow promises nor they buy the Islamabad imposed mega projects.
The Baloch nation will not wait like Emperor Nero who played the fiddle while Rome burned. Sindhis nation can take the message of their Baloch cousin before it’s too late.
Dear Shoiab. Though it sounds favorable and cost-effective to concentrate majority of wealth on populous areas to get more and more people benefited. But striking the balance is necessary. If you are going to provide every facility to majority, which happens to be single ethnicity, of this earthly life: education, healthcare, clean potable water etc. while denying minority, which again happens to be single ethnicity the minimum possible facility, like that of potable water. Naturally their will be feelings of alienations and ethnic clashes as well. Is it justifiable to provide the people of one unit advance medical facilities while denying others even one civil hospital? There needs to be balance which is not there. No body can justify distribution of resources in Pakistan on one factor formula ” POPULATION” under international experiences. This one factor formula vividly shows ” Nationality favoritism ” as it clearly benefits only one nationality. Secondly in this scenario what explains “Taking more” and “retuning less” and “taking less” and “returning more”? Well, Baluchistan gets far less than what it contributes to national kitty. Why provinces weren’t made financially autonomous ?. Isn’t it because one ethnicity has much to lose in case this happens?
I am chuckling over your answer that people of jhelum are martial race therefore they get priority in recruitment process of armed forces and this being the one of the reason’s of Jhelum’s relative prosperity. Well, I have also documented evidence in which alongside Britisher many historians have billed ” BALOCH” as “Martial race. So why they constitute the lowest proportion in country’s armed forces? Population does matter but the reality is proportion is even less vis a’ vis population. Jhelum is more prosperous in terms of infrastructure mostly put by the government. More schools, colleges, hospitals etc. It is not matter of individuals economic being it is point collective well being of an area which isn’t possible with out significant government’s contributions. As far as gas pipelines is concerned they are passing between the villages but villages are still deprived of it. I think nothing can be more near to gas pipelines than those villages. Well about the question who is responsible for Baloch woes I personally think it is ” Establishment” which constitute 54% Punjabi, 30% Pashtoon, 5% sindhi and 4% Baloch. Please correct me if I am wrong. Since majority of them are Punjabis and Pashtoons then whom to blame? Policies of Pakistan are formulated in such a way that it benefits Punjab alone while others particularly BALUCHISTAN are widely neglected and consequently on one side, whole population of one unit is beneficiary of these policies and on the other side whole population of one unit is victim regardless of poor and rich . Through skewed distribution of resources whole Baluchistan suffer while whole Punjab benefit. Concluding it is understandably clear some ethnicities are favored in Pakistan while other are exploited for their well-beings.
Some time ago, I did need to buy a good house for my firm but I did not have enough money and could not order anything. Thank goodness my fellow proposed to try to take the loan from trustworthy creditors. Thus, I did so and was satisfied with my small business loan.
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