Balochs only accept Sardar Mengal and Nawab Marri as their heroes: Dr. Jhanzaib Jamaldini

Interview by Malik Siraj Akbar

The Baloch Hal has initiated a series of interviews with different nationalist leaders of Balochistan to ascertain the causes of failure of democracy in Pakistan. Leaders from different political parties were asked almost the same questions for the purpose of extracting the jest of views the nationalists in Balochistan have on plenty of identical issues related to democracy, autonomy and federalism.

The first interview in the series was held with Dr. Jhanzain Jamaldini, the acting president of Balochistan National Party. Excerpts:

THE BALOCH HAL:  What in the your view are the two or three major reasons for Pakistan‘s failure to have permanent democratic rule?

DR. JHANZAIB JAMALDINI: Firstly, the civil and the military bureaucracy have never allowed democracy to flourish properly. Secondly, many of the political parties are dominated by the feudal lords who only think of their own vested interests rather than the larger public interest. Their interests revolve around power and the attainment of wealth for personal reasons. There is no change in the mindset of the military establishment while the feudal politicians solely care about their own interests

TBH: Would you rate Pakistani civilian governments better than the military ones, or the opposite. Why? Who do you think was Pakistan‘s best ruler. Why?

DJJ: I can’t find a single good leader in the whole history of Pakistan to be proud of. We have had either military dictators or civilian dictators who have been attempting to take full control of the affairs of the country. Personally, I have not been satisfied with the performance of any leader so far.

TBH: Do you agree that poor civilian province both at the Center and in provinces has played a major role in bringing the military in to rule the country? Or are there other reasons for military takeovers?

DJJ: These allegations are primarily leveled by the army or the political parties which were created and patronized by the military. I agree that political parties do make mistakes but democracy is all about giving ample time to the elected governments to function uninterrupted. Poor performance of democratic government cannot be cited as a justification for military takeovers.

TBH:  There is the argument of a Punjabi dominated Pakistan. Yet, not many leaders since Ayub Khan have been Punjabi themselves. Then why this sentiment?

DJJ: Punjab has ruled the country indirectly. I agree that not many top leaders of the country belonged to Punjab. However, Punjab has used different leaders to guard its own interests. Punjab has exploited the natural resources of all the smaller provinces. Punjab is unwilling to share its resources. It disagrees to handover its five rivers to the federal government. All the revenue of the five rivers of that province goes to the provincial government of the Punjab. On the other hand, we have an 800-kilometer coast at Gwadar which the federal government tells us is not a provincial subject but belongs to the federal government. Punjab has been following double standards and a policy of exploitation due to which people living in smaller provinces resent it very highly. They no longer have faith and trust in Punjab as they see it as a province that is determined to keep the others backward at the cost of its own interests.

TBH:  Do you think rulers have deliberately favored Punjab or is it the natural consequence of the province having the largest economy and population?

DJJ: Of course it is deliberate. Neither the Punjabis nor are we that stupid. They know the significance of Balochistan’s strategic location and the richness of its natural resources. Punjab is eying our resources for its future needs. If we disconnect Balochistan, Punjab has nothing for its survive as it is a landlocked province. Punjab now wants to take lion’s share in Balochistan’s natural resource.

TBH: Do you think Balochistan has a right to be an independent state? Why or why not?

DJJ: If you suppress anyone very hard and make it impossible for them to breathe independently then they will surely talk of independence. This is what has happened to the people of Balochistan.

TBH: There have been times when Baloch leaders (like the late Bugti sb) have been ruling the province. Yet, nothing changed for the better even during that time. Is the Baloch leaders itself to be blamed for part of the province’s problems? [After all ZAB's counter-insurgency was supported by Bugti for 3 years].

DJJ: I agree that that some local people have always collaborated with Islamabad in carrying out anti-Baloch policies. I believe the local Balochs who serve as the governor or the chief minister do not have the power to stop or execute a military operation. They are not powerful enough to loot our resources or exploit the huge wealth of the province. All these people are created by the Establishment. These people were totally insignificant until the Establishment financed and patronized their electoral campaigns to the extent of enabling them to win the elections. The Establishment has pitted such people against genuine Baloch leadership among Marris, Mengals and Bugtis to pursue a policy of divide and rule.

Likewise, the other few Baloch leaders that you are talking about (such as Nawab Bugti) did not complete their tenures. They served for very limited periods such as nine months. We believe all the local leaders should be given enough time to complete their tenure.Take a look at China where the first three Five-Year Plans did not yield any fruits. It took them a while to take-off. Similarly, the elected governments here in Balochistan should be given time to plan and implement policies. You see the fruits of development in some 25 years.

Akhtar Mengal served as the chief minister only for 15 months which is not a period to change the destiny of the people. The Establishment deliberately does not easily release the funds of the provincial governments in order to degrade them before their voters. The Establishment will never give full powers to an elected government of Balochistan.

TBH:  The Baloch people are very poor while the Sardars are rich. This is a common perception. IS this true? If so, why is the this the case?

DJJ: I do not agree with the notion. This is once again a propaganda initiated against the Baloch leaders by the Punjabi establishment. Whenever they do not want to develop Balochistan then they complain that Baloch Sardars do not allow development in their areas. Several roads, schools, colleges have been built on the personal land owned by Sardar Attaullah Mengal. In the same manner, Sui-Dera Bugti Road was not constructed until Nawab Bugti himself became the chief minister because there was no political will in the past to construct a road in the area.

There are a few Sardars such as Governor Zulfiqar Ali Magsi or Sardar Yar Mohammad Rind whoa are really rich and possesses huge areas of land. These are the people who were pampered by the establishment. They do not enjoy the mandate of the people of Balochistan. They are helped by Islamabad o win in the elections so that they meet the latter’s demands after coming into power.

Tribal system in Balochistan has tremendously been weakened by now. It has regrettably been kept intact by Islamabad. Otherwise, the people of Balochistan no longer want a tribal system or agree to live under the rule of these tribal leaders. There are only two Baloch sardars who have become the heroes of the Baloch nation i.e. Sardar Attaullah Mengal and Nawab Khair Baksh Marri. They had come out of the cocoon of tribalism a long time ago. They talk of Baloch nationalism and the rights of Balochs living across the world.

TBH:  There are many tensions and divisions within Baloch leadership; this is why Islamabad has managed to manipulate the system. What is your view on this statement?

DJJ: You have to understand the Baloch mindset. It is full of emotions. Balochs believe in the politics of agitation and resistance. There is a lot of public faith in rhetoric. There are very few people who support peaceful and moderate forms of struggle. For example, when late Ghose Baksh Bizenjo talked of peaceful democratic struggle, many people in our ranks termed him as a “Baloch traitor”.

Differences are there among the tribes and the political parties of Balochistan which are not that serious in their nature. They worsen only when some agents of the establishment get into our ranks and try to conspire against our unity. They try to make us fight on the behest of Islamabad. I think we need to tolerate and respect each other. Islamabad tries to buy the loyalties of some Balochs by offering them money, seats, perks and privileges.

TBH:  How will autonomy and decentralization help Balochistan? Statistics suggest that Balochistan will lose revenue, not gain more while expenses would go up. Experts say decentralization will benefit Punjab and Sind, not Balochistan and Khyber-Pukhtoonkhwa. What is your view?

DJJ: Such thoughts generate from the drawing-room discussions in Islamabad. The ruling class in Islamabad thought the same thing during the One Unit days that if Balochistan and Khayber Pashtunkhawa (KP) were made separate provinces, they would not be able to run and administer themselves. There is a ruling class in Islamabad that is imbued with hatred towards the smaller nationalities. They ridicule our claims and demands. This school of thought comprises of some military officers who have all in a sudden emerged on the private news channels as political experts soon after their retirement from the country’s military. These so-called political experts are the accuser as well as the judge. They blame our leaders and ridicule or demands as well.

There is no representation of Balochistan in the national media. The current media set-up does not favor Balochistan as they entirely excludes our province, our wishes and aspirations in the media reports. The media is dominated by Sindh and Punjab and now there is a little coverage of KP due to the war against terror. Whatever projection Balochistan gets in the media comes from the same military experts who put the whole blame on our leaders and we do not get a chance to defend ourselves and present our actual image.

It is strange that we are told that we cannot run our province (if more autonomy is granted). It is the same secretaries who run the bureaucracy here and then get promoted to the federal level. There are people in Balochistan who can run all the affairs of the government very efficiently. Such assumptions that we will depend on Islamabad are a ploy by Islamabad to not meet our genuine political demands.

Meanwhile, who is asking for provincial autonomy now? Now people are asking for independence. Abolition of Concurrent List and presentation of a constitutional package is irrelevant in the current circumstances of Balochistan.

TBH:  What is your view of India and the India-Pakistan rivalry?

DJJ: We have always supported friendly relations with all the neighboring countries of Pakistan. We are opposed to any kind of interference in the internal matters of any country. It is unfortunate that an unnatural formula of Two-Nation Theory divided the people of India and Pakistan. If we do not establish friendly relations with our neighbors, our own integrity would be jeopardized.

TBH:  What is your view on breaking Punjab into three or more provinces? Will that solve the problem of the Punjabi hegemony?

DJJ: Punjab’s monopoly will not end even if it is divided into five provinces. We support the demand of a separate province for the Saraikis. There is a Punjabi class dominant in the Establishment. More provinces should be created on the ethnic, historic and lingual and cultural basis. Otherwise, unnatural provinces would cause hatred among the members of different communities.

We also back the Pashtun demand that Pashutun-populated districts of Balochistan should be integrated into Khayber Pashtunkhawa province.

TBH:  How can Pakistan consolidate democracy in your view?

DJJ: All political powers of the military and its subservient institutions, such as the intelligence agencies, should be completely curtailed. The elected government should be fully empowered. The Senate of Pakistan should be empowered in which every province should have the veto power. Under such powers, all the provinces should have equal powers in the legislature, power to legislate on money bills and the legal authority to veto any bill which is supported by three provinces but still endangers the interests of one province.

Presently, all powers rest with the National Assembly which is heavily dominated by Punjab. It has financial powers. There are unnecessary seats in the National Assembly for FATA and Islamabad which further reduces our strength as the smallest province of the country in terms of population. We want FATA to be incorporated into NWFP.

The Election Commission of Pakistan should be powerful to such an extent that it should have the courage to resist pressures from the President and the Prime Minister of the country.

TBH: No electorate in Pakistan in any province has ever voted in favor of the declared nationalists. Everyone seems to vote mainstream? Why? Does that mean there is not too much support for separation or a loose confederation?

DJJ: You can judge the real outcome of elections if you hold elections under the supervision of the European Union or other foreign observers. In the presence of Pakistani army, Frontier Corps, Rangers or local police transparent and impartial elections are impossible because all these forces are involved themselves in backing certain favorite candidates of the Establishment and patronizing them. There are a number of such Balochs who did not have a bicycle some years back but now they have become multibillionaire with the money they have earned through corruption after coming into power with the help of the Establishment. They were encouraged to come forward in order to be used as a tool against the Baloch nationalist forces. These people do not have an electoral constituency or a manifesto.

TBH: Will autonomy to Balochistan ensure greater democracy and freedom of expression? Is this possible given the salience of the province’s traditions?

DJJ: Tribal system is now almost dead in Balochistan. Many tribal chiefs have lost their influence. For example, Sardar Yar Mohammad Rind, a powerful tribal chief of the Rinds, lost the elections in spite of being the chief of a big tribe. If democracy is allowed to flourish, we will soon get good results. Currently, we do not trust the establishment and they do not trust us. So, the Establishment fields and sponsors its own subservient candidates. Such practices will lead to chaos and disharmony in the province as well as the country.